D2 Day Update

Cross posted from ICPR's blog, The Race is On:

Today is D2 Day, when campaign finance reports are due to be filed at the State Board of Elections. Some candidates filed earlier this month, and some leaked data to reporters, but experience shows that about half of all donations that will be reported will be reported today. To follow the donations, go here.

A few tidbits jumped at us :

* Citizens for Emil Jones, the political committee of the former Senate President, reported $257K in loans to others. Most of that went to Pat Quinn ($150K) and Todd Stroger ($100K) but it's the rest that's interesting -- the political committee loaned $7,500 to Emil Jones himself. All of the loans (15 of them) were in $500 increments. Sen. Jones, Jr. (his son, Sen. Emil Jones, III, does not report such loans) has a history of taking loans from the campaign fund, and currently owes his fund in excess of $30,000. Candidates are generally barred from taking campaign funds for personal use, but a grandfather clause exempts funds raised before June 30, 1998. Whether this becomes part of his "personal use" exemption, whether he pays interest on these loans, what the full implications are, all remain to be seen.

* Citizens for Arthur L. Turner reported raising $72K over the first half of 2010. That's the fund for current state Rep. Art Turner, who came in second in the Democratic primary for Lt. Governor. He donors include the beer distributors and the IL Chamber (tied for the biggest donations, at $2,500) and some smaller checks from the usual legislative donors -- AT&T, Com Ed, Dent-IL PAC, the bankers, ITLA, etc.. His son, Art Turner II, is seeking the house seat. His fund reported raising $25K over the six-month period. What's striking is that the father raised far more after the primary than the son did. Citizens for Arthur L. Turner raised $25K after the primary, while Citizens for Arthur Turner II raised just $2K. Yet, Citizens for Arthur Turner II has an election in the fall, while Citizens for Arthur L. Turner does not.

* State officials seeking federal office often mothball their campaign funds while running for federal office. State Rep. Beth Coulson, for instance, reported raising no money in her state fund while seeking the Republican nomination for congress in the 10th CD this year. State Sen. Randy Hultgren, though, did continue to raise money in his state committee while seeking his party's nomination in the 14th CD. Most of the $5K he reported raising appears to have come from donors who could not have given to his federal committee.

* Gov. Pat Quinn closed out his federal campaign fund in May. The fund was created for a long-ago US Senate race In his final report, he claimed $3K in receipts and $9K in expenditures, taking the balance to -0-. Those expenditures included $9K in credit card bills, but he did not itemize where that money went. The committee is finaled out, but we hope that he will itemize those expenditures in an amended report.

A bunch of new committees have been formed since the start of the year, and not just in support of particular candidates. These span the political spectrum, though these appears to be more activity on one end than on the other. Here's a very quick run down of recently formed committees; most had not filed as of the last time we looked:

* The Civil Rights Agenda Fund - formed by a former Democratic Party of Illinois staffer, this committee supports "LGTBQQIA Advocacy."

* VotingWomen.org - formed by Karen Boehning, a frequent donor to Democrats at the federal level.

* Citizens for a Fair Judiciary - a Metro East committee set up by Democratic supporters of one sitting judge facing retention(Andy Matoesian) and one candidate for the bench (William Mudge).

* Republican 2010 Victory Committee - Despite the grandiose name, the committee is focused on a portion of southwest suburban Cook County, where Chairman Brian Sloan is running for Cook County Board.

* RGA Illinois 2010 PAC - Based in DC, this group was formed in January, before the primary, "to support the election of a Republican governor in Illinois."

* Free Our Streets PAC - founded by jazz vocalist and trumpet player Ian Bayne, who also supported Mitt Romney for president and gave to the Illinois Mortgage Bankers PAC.

* Freedom of Opportunity PAC - Andy McKenna lost the Republican primary, but he's still active in politics. He's chairing this fund, which reported raising $62K from the likes of John Buck (of The John Buck Company); John A. Canning, Jr. (of Madison Deerborn Partners); and Michael Ferro, Jr. (of Merrick Ventures). No word yet on whether Mary McKenna will be giving.

* For the Good of Illinois PAC - Adam Andrzejewski lost the Republican primary, but he's still active in politics, too. He's chairing this fund, which had $5,000 on the day it was formed (no word yet on where it came from).

* Transparent Illinois was set up by a staffer at Resolute Consulting and funded (so far) by a donation from Central Strategies, "a sister company" of Resolute, according to the website.

* Welcome Wal-Mart was created by staffers at Grainger Terry, a political consulting and government relations firm. It reported no receipts in the first half of the year.

* The Practical Party was formed as a state committee to support Carl Officer's bid for US Senate.

* Illinois Values First appears to have been formed by a Serbian actor named Dusan Fager.

We welcome your comments or e-mails, particularly if you see any details that you think deserve further illumination. To comment, please visit ICPR's blog.

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A Senate Seat for Ethics

Cross-posted from ICPR's blog, The Race is On:

We expected a few bombshells from the Blagojevich trial, but not one involving Emil Jones and the pay-to-play bill.

ICPR, with the support of a coalition of reform groups and many public officials, was the lead organization pushing for HB 1, the pay-to-play bill. We negotiated it, we lobbied for it, we fought every step of the way, despite years of push back from Senate President Emil Jones.

The pay-to-play bill a simple idea. It was endorsed by every major newspaper in the state, it had passed the House without opposition and it was sponsored in the Senate by 48 of the 59 members. But Senate President Emil Jones would not call it for a vote.

The working assumption at the time was that President Jones was blocking the bill to help Gov. Blagojevich (on this issue, as on many others, at the expense of the members of his caucus, his own reputation, and the clear will of the legislature) because of jobs and contracts given to his family members.

All of the statewide officials, except Blagojevich, endorsed the bill. What's more, all of the statewides except Blagojevich adopted rules prohibiting such contributions even before the pay-to-play bill was enacted. And yet Blagojevich opposed the bill, and by proxy, so did the Senate President.

In testimony Thursday, Blagojevich confidant Lon Monk testified that the actual reason Jones was fighting the bill was that Gov. Blagojevich had promised to appoint Jones to the US Senate if Jones would kill the bill.

In September of 2008, ICPR publicly asked Illinois' junior senator, then running for US President, to call his old friend Emil Jones and ask him to stop playing games and call the override vote. Within days, Barack Obama placed that phone call. Apparently, Emil Jones was willing to buck his caucus, but not his presidential candidate. The override passed, the bill was enacted, and Rod Blagojevich threw his fundraising organization into hyperdrive in order to beat the effective date of the new law.

So far, it's just one man's testimony. Whether that's actually why Jones was so adamantly opposed to the pay-to-play bill, we can't know for sure. But the suggestion that Blagojevich, as governor, would favor his campaign fund over the best interests of the state has a ring of truth to it; it fits a pattern, and it's not so far from the working assumption. We expect more testimony on events that fit that pattern in the coming days and weeks.

Mud is splattering from the trial. And some of it is hitting Emil Jones.


To comment, please visit ICPR's blog.

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Senator Harry Reid Refers to Rod Blagojevich's “Cloud”

by Cal Skinner
You will remember that the day before Rod Blagojevich was arrested by the FBI, he let loose with this quote:

“I don't believe there's any cloud that hangs over me. I think there's nothing but sunshine hanging over me.”

This morning on “Meet the Press” that cloud blew into sight...again.

The broadcast came on the heels of the Chicago Sun-Times publication of a front page article saying Reid had called Blagojevich offering advice on his U.S. Senate pick.

Before he got arrested and before he picked Roland Burris.

According to the New York Times, Reid said,

“This is part of Blagojevich’s cloud. He’s making all this up. For anyone to suggest anything racial, is part of the Blagojevich spin.”

What's our governor supposedly making up?

The contents of this Chicago Sun-Times article, which says Reid told Blagojevich he didn't want three black male politicians appointed to replace President-Elect Barack Obama (Senate President Emil Jones and Congressmen Danny Davis and Jesse Jackson, Jr.), but two while female politicians (Attorney General Lisa Madigan and former congressional candidate and now Illinois Veterans Affairs Director Tammy Duckworth) would be just fine.

If the sources of the article trace back to Blagojevich, as Reid claims, then it is another appeal to a potential black jury to vote acquittal at the trial following the expected April 7th indictment.

And, if you wonder where the cartoon chicken head of Blagojevich came from, here's the answer.

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Money matters

The ongoing federal probe into alleged pay-to-play politics in Illinois demonstrates attempts to influence state business by donating to political campaigns. But the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform released another round of campaign contribution totals this week that seem to reinforce the fact that money drives politics behind the scenes, as well.

The Illinois Senate Democrats will pick a replacement for Senate President Emil Jones Jr., who retires in January. Since Jones announced his retirement, a lengthy list of candidates has started campaigning to replace him. The caucus will need 30 votes to select a new president. Watch for more about the candidates in the November edition of Illinois Issues magazine. UPDATE: Here's the story.

One way those candidates are trying to differentiate themselves is through cash. The more money they can raise for their political campaigns, the more they appear capable of strengthening an already extraordinarily big Democratic Caucus (of 59 total senators, 37 belong to the Senate Democratic Caucus).

According to two nonpartisan think tanks, the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform in Chicago and the Sunshine Project in Springfield, Senate presidential candidates have doled out more than $1 million to their party candidates and incumbents.

The top two givers are Sen. James Clayborne of Belleville and Sen. John Cullerton of Chicago, two who repeatedly have been mentioned as front-runners in the race to replace Jones.

Clayborne has given $418,000 to other Senate Democrats, while Cullerton has doled out $336,000. According to the Campaign for Political Reform, Clayborne has transferred money from his own political committee, Friends of Clayborne. Top donors to that fund include the Illinois Education Association, AT&T and Ameren Corp.

Cullerton has used money from his committee, Citizens for John Cullerton, but he also formed a new committee, the Senate Democratic Victory Fund. Top donors to both funds include Chicago Wolves chairman Don Levin; Sen. Heather Steans of Chicago, her husband Leo Smith and her parents; and the Illinois Hospital Association. We’ll talk more about the Democrats who are receiving these funds in another blog.

Political insiders are used to Jones raising that much money or more ($3.6 million in 2006), but when these new candidates aren’t even president yet and are raising those amounts, the totals are striking. But it’s also part of the legislative process in Illinois.

“The leader is supposed to help raise a lot of money, and that’s part of their job,” says David Morrison, assistant director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform. “Part of what Cullerton and Clayborne are doing here is showing that they can shoulder that kind of burden, [that] they help their colleagues in that regard.”

Yet, this is one time when Morrison — ironically for a campaign finance reformer — says it’s not all about money. This internal election is about context. So even though these numbers look big, there are many other factors that are in play for whom the next Senate president will be.

• Jones’ retirement: It means the person whom businesses donated to in the past is no longer the person who will funnel the funds to other Democratic members. Without knowing who will serve as the hub for accepting donations and funneling them to other Democrats, donors have to take their chances.
• The Obama factor: It translates into record numbers of Democrats who will come out to vote for U.S. Sen. Barack Obama for U.S. president and who likely will continue voting Democratic down most of the ticket. Democrats are expected to have a good year, so money in some ways is less important this year than it was in 2004 and 2006, when Jones was trying to build on a majority of seats in the chamber.
• Personality: Then there’s a question of which qualities that Senate Democrats want in their next leader. The most common characteristic cited is someone who can compromise and refresh the atmosphere in the Capitol, thereby breaking the stalemate of Gov. Rod Blagojevich and his ally Jones against House Speaker Michael Madigan.
  

But the money is still important. It’s not just who is giving, but why are they giving? Morrison says it’s hard to tell if the Senate presidential candidates are attracting new donors, getting increased donations from patron donors or if it’s a combination. It’ll be easier to tell when the next detailed campaign finance reports are due in January. One thing is for sure, he says: “There’s a lot of money flowing around.”

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Cullterton and Clayborne Contribute to Gentes

Bill Gentes must be smiling today.

In fact, he may still be dancing the Snoopy happy dance.

Late yesterday afternoon, he reported receiving $75,000.

$50,000 came from The Senate Democratic Victory Fund, run by Chicago State Senator John Cullerton. Cullerton, generally considered an ally of House Speaker Mike Madigan on whose leadership team he used to serve, hopes to succeed retiring Senate President Emil Jones. Cullerton's PAC's web site announces an October 2nd fund raiser with sponsorships going to $5,000.

James Clayborne, of St. Clair County, another of the state senators who hopes to replace Emil Jones as Senate President, transferred $25,000 from his campaign fund.

It is intriguing that both would contribute to Gentes, considering, if elected, he can only vote for one person for Senate President.

Gentes is running against Dan Duffy, who cut his political teeth with the NFIB. Duffy's $500+ contributions can be found here.

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Pay-to-play ban becomes law

Monday did become Ethics Day. After three years of back-and-forth, the Illinois House and Senate finally agreed and enacted landmark ethics reforms that will become effective January 1. The governor and some legislators already are trying to expand the so-called pay-to-play ban, but that could take just as long as the first effort. In the meantime, Monday’s action is likely to generate a lot of campaign mail as incumbents and candidates enter the home stretch before the November 4 elections.

Meanwhile, as I write this, budget negotiators from both chambers and both political parties are meeting behind closed doors to hash out a plan that would prevent state parks and historic sites from closing this fall, as well as prevent hundreds of state employees from losing their jobs. Whether they will strike a compromise, however, won’t be known until Tuesday, when both chambers will reconvene in another off-season legislative session.

All day Monday, which included multiple special sessions called by Gov. Rod Blagojevich, served as a perfect example of how everything will change in January. In addition to new ethics laws that will affect the governor’s fundraising abilities, January marks the end of Senate President Emil Jones’ reign. Throughout the day, there was an acute awareness that Jones is on his way out of office with numerous individuals interested in taking his place. More on that later.

One set of ethics reform down, more to go
The Illinois Senate agreed with the House to override Blagojevich’s changes to HB 824, meaning new campaign contribution rules will take effect in the new year. Businesses holding state contracts worth more than $50,000 will not be able to donate to the political campaigns of the officeholder who signs the contract.

The Senate president said the new law contained in HB 824 doesn’t go far enough. “It turns hard money into soft money,” Jones said, later adding, “They’ll still be able to give the soft money through the back door.” He meant that instead of donating directly to the officeholder, state contactors will still be able to give money to statewide political parties that turn around and filter the money to the officeholder who signs the contract, anyway.

Jones supports the governor’s proposals, which would expand the so-called pay-to-play ban. The governor’s amendatory veto language was inserted into a new bill. It would:

• Ban businesses that hold significant state contracts from donating to legislators and statewide political parties, as well as statewide officeholders;
• Prohibit legislators from working second jobs in any unit of government, with some exceptions;
• Clarify the process by which legislators vote to accept their pay raises.

The Senate sponsor, Chicago Democratic Sen. James DeLeo, said SB 780 would level the playing field and help legislators avoid the perception that money buys influence.

Cindi Canary, executive director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform and a main force behind HB 824, said it felt odd, but she had to oppose the new measure during a Senate committee Monday evening. She said the more expansive ethics legislation is “not ready for prime time, yet.”

She said she supports the concept but believes the governor’s proposal isn’t the right vehicle for enacting contribution limits on legislators. Banning state contractors from donating to elected officials who have no control over state contracts could invite a legal challenge based on the First Amendment that protects free speech, she said. She also questioned the fallout of prohibiting active state legislators from also working in some public sector jobs but not others. And she said the one aspect that would be ready to go if it were proposed as a stand-alone measure is the portion that would clarify the system of approving legislative pay raises.

Sen. James Clayborne, a Belleville Democrat, agreed with Canary and said the governor’s proposals need some more work, but he voted to advance the measure to the full chamber in hopes of working through more changes before a final vote.

Restoring budget cuts
Meanwhile, budgeteers are working behind closed doors in an effort to compromise to restore some of the governor’s $1.4 billion in budget cuts, which are resulting in plans to close 11 state parks and 13 historic sites, lay off hundreds of public employees and drastically reduce state funding for such human services as substance abuse treatment and prevention.

Earlier this month, the House approved two measures that would sweep about $221 million from special funds to plug some but not all of the budget holes. (See the spending portion in SB 1103.)

Sen. Donne Trotter, a Chicago Democrat and budget negotiator, said the Senate Democrats found $42 million of that $221 million that they would like to spend in a different way than approved by the House. That includes $37 million the House included to reimburse mass transit districts for the free rides granted to seniors and people with disabilities enacted earlier this year. The Senate Democrats would take that out and shift the funding, for instance, to increase the amount of money for college grants through the Monetary Award Program. The House also would restore funding for constitutional officers at 100 percent of the original funding level, while the Senate Democrats would restore them at 75 percent.

Republicans are involved in the budget negotiations. According to Patty Schuh, spokeswoman for Senate Minority Leader Frank Watson, the GOP Caucus prioritizes restoring funding for state parks, historic sites and human services. But members argue that it doesn’t make sense to restore funding to the parks and historic sites and then sweep money from the special fund dedicated to the Department of Natural Resources.

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Senate to Reconvene: Emil Jones

Cross posted from ICPR's blog, The Race is On:

We've been asking you to call the Senate President's office and demand that he reconvene his chamber. It appears your calls have worked. Media reports now indicate that the Senate will reconvene next week. Thanks to your efforts, the Senate will have an opportunity to address the Pay to Play bill, among other things.

Now, we should apologize to those of you who tried to call the President's Chicago office. Some of you called to let us know that no one was answering. Your calls filled his voice mail. But those calls worked. President Jones says he's doing this for his "my friend" and former colleague, U.S. Sen, Barack Obama. But make no mistake, if all of you had sat silently, this session would not be happening.

Not to be left out, Gov. Blagojevich then announced a Special Session for Monday the 22nd at 1 pm to deal with "real ethics reform." So the ball is definitely rolling.

We thank you all for speaking up to protect this important legislation from almost certain death or legal challenge.

Now, on to Springfield!


To comment, please visit ICPR's blog.

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Reconvene the Senate Now

Cross posted from ICPR's blog, The Race is On:

To paraphrase President John F. Kennedy, Monday saw the most extraordinary collection of talent and knowledge gathered in one room since Thomas Jefferson dined alone. Now, it's your turn to take action. Please call Senate President Emil Jones and urge him to reconvene the Senate. Here's why:

At Monday's press conference in the James R. Thompson Center, those gathered at the podium included Comptroller Dan Hynes, Attorney General Lisa Madigan, Lt Gov Pat Quinn, Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias, Sen. Don Harmon, Sen. Debbie Halvorson, Sen. Terry Link, Sen. Susan Garrett, Sen. Jeff Schoenberg, Sen. Ira Silverstein, Sen. Kirk Dillard, Sen. Christine Radogno, Sen. Matt Murphy, Sen. Bill Brady, Sen. Pamela Althoff., former Comptroller Dawn Clark Netsch, ICPR Director Cindi Canary, BGA Director Jay Stewart, Citizen Action Director William McNary, Citizen Advocacy Center Director Terry Pastica, Illinois PIRG Director Brian Imus, League of Women Voters of Illinois President Paula Lawson, and the Rev. Al Sharp, the Director of Protestants for the Common Good.

What brought all these people together was one simple idea: The Illinois State Senate must immediately reconvene to address HB 824, the pay to play bill. Now, not later. Not after the Election, and certainly not more than 15 days since the House sent HB 824 back to the Senate to override the Governor's veto.

Waiting invites legal challenge. The state Constitution says that if either chamber takes longer than 15 calendar days to act on a veto, the underlying bill dies. Senate President Emil Jones claims the 15 day clock does not start running until the Senate reconvenes, but that argument has never been tested in court, and we do not want the pay-to-play bill to become the test case. Why let reform be tied up in court for years? Indeed, why wait at all? The message that united all of those elected officials and public advocates was simply this: reconvene now.

Here's some press coverage on the conference, from Crain's Chicago Business, the Chicago Sun-Times, the
AP via the Tribune, and the
Kankakee Daily Journal. And some editorials, from Bloomington Pantagraph (Today) the Rockford Register Star (Today), the Chicago Tribune (Monday), the Belleville News Democrat (Today), and the Jacksonville Journal Courier (Today):

Now it's your turn. Please call the Senate President at either 217-782-2728 or 773-995-7748 and tell him to bring his chamber back into session. His members want it. The public deserves it. Why wait?

To comment, please visit ICPR's blog.

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Rod Blagojevich: Accessory After the Fact

At age 14, Johnnie Lee Savory was railroaded by Peoria prosecutors. After 36 hours of interrogation, without his parents or an attorney present, he was coerced into confessing to a double-murder he did not commit.

30 years later, he's finally out thanks to the pro bono work of Jenner & Block attorney Christopher Tomkins and many others, but only a DNA test can clear his name and point law enforcement to the real killer. Governor Blagojevich's administration won't approve the test. The Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University is urging folks to call Governor Blagojevich at 217-782-0244 and tell him to order DNA testing for Johnnie Lee Savory.




Savory's campaign for justice is supported by five former U.S. Attorneys, author/attorney John Grisham, author/activist Studs Terkel, and a broad coalition of religious, civil rights, and business leaders.

P.S. Barack Obama has touted his work on videotaping police interrogations. In his press conference announcing his retirement, Senate President Emil Jones also took credit for the same measure. Either one of these fine leaders could call Governor Blagojevich and get some retro-active justice for Johnnie Lee Savory.

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The start of a new beginning

Gov. Rod Blagojevich is losing his biggest ally in Senate President Emil Jones Jr., who announced his upcoming retirement this afternoon. When his term ends in January, he'll end a 35-year career in the Illinois General Assembly.

Jones' departure further challenges Blagojevich in advancing his agenda. “[Jones] certainly was his No. 1 ally. He was the Gen. Patton to his presidency,” says Sen. Donne Trotter, a Senate majority caucus whip. He describes Jones as a wartime leader. “We've literally been at war for the past few years. So he's been a field general, and he's going to be hard to replace.”

Election of a new Senate president requires a majority vote by chamber members and results in a two-year term. Numerous Senate Democrats are in line trying to win the position, which controls a leadership team and determines the flow of legislation, including which measures get called for debate.

Under Jones, the Senate Democrats increased membership from 27 members to an exceptional 37 members, while Republicans have just 22. Yet Jones' caucus includes subgroups with diverse interests and allegiances, challenging his ability to utilize his “super majority” on politically sensitive initiatives.

Jones also struggled to accomplish his long-standing passion of education funding reform, although he did team with Blagojevich last year to grant the largest single-year increase for education funding by $400 million. But that's not the reform he sought for so many years. He previously supported relieving local property taxes and relying more on the state income taxes to fund public education. He changed positions in 2006 to support Blagojevich's proposal to levy gross receipts tax on business profits. Jones supported it, in part, because Blagojevich repeatedly promised to veto income or sales tax increases.

But Jones' legacy does include being the longest serving Democratic Caucus leader since 1970. He also championed such social justice issues as requiring interrogations to be videotaped in death penalty cases.

And life will go on in the Illinois Senate, potentially with one of Jones' proteges at the helm. Another of his accomplishments as a leader, Trotter says, is that he allowed his members to grow. “He had the special ability of seeing the strengths of every individual and has allowed them to flourish,” especially U.S. Sen. Barack Obama, who's slated to accept the Democratic presidential nomination within a week. But those who are gearing up in an attempt to lead the state Senate have been well-trained and are well-positioned to take over, he says.

Names in the mix include some of Jones' soldiers: Sen. John Cullerton of Chicago, Sen. Rickey Hendon of Chicago, Sen. Terry Link of Waukegan and Sen. James Clayborne Jr. of Belleville.

Sen. Don Harmon of Oak Park isn't in Jones' leadership team, but he has led some high-profile pieces of legislation, including ethics reforms and pension obligation bonds. Other legislators with independent streaks also have shown potential interest. Sen. Jeff Schoenberg of Evanston issued a release saying he hopes to be a "major part" of an effort for more transparent leadership that works towards consensus.

Senate Republicans are hoping the new leader, whoever it is, opens the door to improved communication. “We've always been willing to walk through the door, but the Senate president and the governor have walked in lockstep together,” says Patty Schuh, spokeswoman for Senate Minority Leader Frank Watson. “And that has, unfortunately, not meant good things for Illinois.”

The Blagojevich-Jones alliance pushed for expanded health care, increased education funding and increased minimum wage, all of which Blagojevich said wouldn't have happened without Jones. Yet many of their other proposals have stalled in the House under Speaker Michael Madigan.

Even the House could feel a fresh, new-start feeling when the new legislative session starts in January, says Rep. Gary Hannig, a Litchfield Democrat and deputy majority leader. “There will be, sort of a, 'It's a new day. Let's start over. Let's be positive about it.”

Selecting a new leader, however, will be a politically charged event. The Senate Democratic Caucus must select someone who can serve as a field general in an ongoing war, as well as someone who can balance the need to compromise with Madigan and Blagojevich at the same time he or she advocates for the platforms and the beliefs of such a diverse caucus.

We'll have plenty more about the potential replacements in the coming weeks and months.

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Anything He Wants

As you probably know, Illinois Senate President Emil Jones has said that he will not seek another term (despite the fact that he is currently on the ballot in November). The Chicago Tribune reports:

The move by Jones comes as he prepares for the Democratic National Convention, where his protege and former state Senate colleague, Barack Obama, will accept the Democratic nomination for president.

My own encounters with Emil this year center around Obama's presidential campaign. We were in the same office in both Iowa and Wisconsin, and while I think he traveled with different aides to the two states, it was amazing how they (Emil's aides) pushed the same lines. The one that was the most memorable (and startling, given what I know about Barack) was that, when asked what job Emil would get in an Obama Administration, the answer was always the same: "Anything He Wants."

Setting aside consideration of whether the comment was true, what interested me was how consistent Emil's staff was about trumpeting his relationship with Barack. There's no question that Emil helped state Senator Obama, or even that his support for Barack was essential to his election to the U.S. Senate. We shouldn't forget that the governor had his candidate (Blair Hull) and the Machine had its candidate (Dan Hynes). Emil's early support for Barack's U.S. Senate candidacy was one of Jones' few disagreements with the Machine. And it certainly gave Barack credibility when the whole of Illinois' political establishment thought the 2004 race was between Hynes and Hull.

But Barack's political career has not been confined by the rules of Illinois' (in)famous Machine. In fact, the Clintons weren't the first to complain that Barack hadn't waited "his turn." The political establishment is littered with politicians who underestimated Barack Obama and who've had to come to terms with his meteoric rise. Despite the comments made by Emil's staff, there is no reason to believe that Barack Obama feels like he owes Emil Jones and is obligated to repay that debt. Even if Emil thinks he does. Barack seems to follow his own beat -- perhaps even his own rules.

But the timing seems curious. Many have noted Emil's intent to play a big role in Denver. He wasn't going to do this as a member of Illinois' Democratic delegation, who still remain in the dark about plans for the delegation. Emil's assessment of his Denver role clearly stems from his connection to the Democratic nominee.

Let's be clear. People outside of Illinois are absolutely mesmerized by Emil's stories about the younger Barack and his role in Barack's political development. And, it seemed to me, Emil clearly enjoyed sharing his perspective with people. Regardless of the role Emil plays with convention delegations, I'd expect him to be a hit with the other groups who will assemble in Denver next week. Not only does Emil have a vocal supporter in Dan Shomon but his speeches before voters were quite popular. I'm certain that was noticed.

The Senate President denies interest in Barack's seat:

Mr. Jones said he’s not interested in being appointed to Barack Obama’s U.S. Senate seat, should Mr. Obama be elected president this fall. “I’m not retiring to go to the (U.S.) Senate,” Mr. Jones said. “I don’t know what I’ll do.”

Despite claims of Emil's good health, the constant travel back and forth between D.C. and one's state is wearing. Blagojevich would certainly "owe" Jones, if he wanted the seat. But that doesn't seem to be where Emil's interests lie. One possibility could have been signaled earlier this month, as Jones' former political aide (Shomon) went to Washington, DC to drum up business for his lobbying firm. That would certainly be the fastest way to make a buck (Jones claimed he deserved a pay raise). And adding Jones to his firm would certainly give Shoman some umph.

Denny Jacobs warns that "Emil has a history of changing his mind." But that's not exactly the history of Machine pols, is it? As the News Sun observes:

In many ways, Jones has kept up the traditions of old-school politicians. During his years in the General Assembly, he has steered state money to a few favored institutions, including some that employ his relatives. Some of his relatives also have gotten state jobs and his wife's government salary got a sizable boost after he became Senate president in 2003.

Jones also has played an important role in blocking ethics legislation in Illinois.

You could argue that Emil's past steps all over Barack's message of Change. But this annoucement seems to be timed more by pressing electoral deadlines than the needs of the Obama campaign:

There is also talk about the timing of Jones’ announcement. It comes just eleven days before state election officials finalize the ballot for the fall election. That leaves the potential for party leaders to swap Jones off the ballot and replace him with a hand-picked candidate. That has fueled talk that Jones may make a move to have his son succeed him in office—a maneuver that has been a favorite of Illinois politicians. Recently, former Congressman Bill Lipinski, former Cook County Board President John Stroger, and former Cook County Board President Bobbie Steele have all been replaced by their children through internal Democratic Party deals.

Jones’ announcement will come as his political mentee Illinois Senator Barack Obama prepares to accept the Democratic presidential nomination next week. Jones and Obama grew extremely close during Obama’s time in the state senate. Any distasteful Chicago-style political dealings connected with Jones’ retirement could become a problem for Obama who has long sought to keep his distance from the city’s reputation for political corruption and sleight-of-hand.

Those who are looking for political (or ideological) purity won't find it from any politician emerging from the Chicago political maelstrom. Reformers (the term progressive isn't particularly relevant in the Illinois political environment) survive by accommodating the Machine when they have to, by learning to choose their battles and when to go along to get along. Barack's credentials as a political reformer are obvious, but the fact that he comes out of Chicago means that he's figured out how to navigate a treacherous political environment (for reformers). It certainly isn't Little Rock.

Regardless of whether Emil goes to Washington -- as I expect him to do -- with Barack or because of Barack, his departure is only the first in a series that will drain Illinois of political talent in a way the state has never experienced. This is only the first in a number of startling departures...

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Blagojevich & Jones: Dumbest Budget Cuts Ever

The screws are turning on Governor Rod Blagojevich for cutting funding for substance abuse treatment and prevention by $110 million, or 48%, as well as Senate President Emil Jones for standing behind the cuts.

Mike Flannery reports for CBS-2 Chicago in a piece entitled "Truth in Politics: Dumbest Budget Cut Ever?"

One of the governor's cuts was $55 million in funding for drug- and alcohol-treatment programs that the federal government would have matched penny-for-penny. The cut has forced programs across the state to shut down and many of their tens of thousands of clients are likely to end up in jail, costing taxpayers far more.

At an Alsip site called "A Safe Haven," women trying to kick addiction to drugs and alcohol get enough help that their children can live with them, even if they've previously been taken away. Beginning Monday, though, all 120 of the women and kids there will have to leave.

followed by

Anthony Cole, vice president of the Haymarket Center, said, "It means you're gonna have increased homelessness, increased people committing crimes, increased neglect and abuse of children, increased burden on Cook County Hospital, increased burden on mental health institutions, because where else can these people go?"

Haymarket got a letter from the state Wednesday; their award-winning addiction-treatment center is losing nearly $4 million.

Come next Monday, they'll be forced to close half the beds in the detox unit. Recovering cocaine user Porcha James said she is thankful she and her son are already in.

"Without Haymarket and places that provide treatment or recovery, I and my son of 12 would be homeless, I would probably be selling drugs or doing lots of other illegal activity," James said.

And here's the kicker:

According to a University of Chicago study in 1994, up to 80% of the state's prison population committed crimes related to substance-addiction; $1 spent on addiction-treatment saves at least $7 by reducing crime, child abuse and diseases such as HIV/AIDS.

The Illinois House voted to restore most drug- and alcohol- treatment money, leaving it up to the Illinois Senate to keep the funding in place, but the Senate President Emil Jones has indicated he won't bring senators back until after the November election.

See Cal Skinner's story below about the sorry state of the Cook County Jail, because that's where the people turned away from drug addiction programs are likely to end up. Via the already overcrowded homeless shelters perhaps.

Despite his on-the-record statements, I think President Jones is way too smart and cares far too much for his community to let that happen. But the clock is ticking.

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Emil Jones: 12 million people to take care of

From the Trib,

Senate President Jones predicted the Rezko verdict would have "no impact whatsoever" on negotiations to balance the budget or Blagojevich's ability to lead state government.

"We have 12 million people in the state to take care of," Jones said.

Rezko verdict certainly shows at least a few people in Illinois perfectly capable of taking care of themselves --with a vengeance-- until Fitz finally caught up with them.

Taking care of strikes me as a strange choice of words for a politician to use to describe what they do.

Serve or represent would have seemed better choices. Those are the words I hear more often.

I can't recall a pol ever talk about taking care of me. (Like Mike M, I think I'd put some distance from a Pol who did offer to take care of me!)

I don't think anyone in Illinois doubts politicans will take care of themselves, and I'm guessing most Illinosians feel like we're taking care of them; whether we want to or not.

Emil Jones above with Iraqi billionaire Nadhmi Auchi during Auchi's 2004 visit to Illinois... ...together taking care of the 12 million I guess.

xp Bill Baar's West Side

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Mr Auchi, please buy Senator Emil Jones a meal

Emil Jones with Nadhmi Auchi during Auchi's visit to Illinois in 2004. Maybe Auchi can return and spring for a few dinners now that times seem tight for Illinois State Senators,

In the middle of Garrett talking to reporters, Senate President Emil Jones Jr., a Chicago Democrat who supports the raises, walked past and loudly quipped that he needed to get some food stamps.

Garrett had this to say in response.

"Let me just say that some of the legislators have missed the point if they think that they need the raise because they're not making $150,000 a year," Garrett said. "We are here as public servants. We're not here to assume that we should be entitled to be receiving major increases every year when the rest of the state and other state employees are suffering."

If Auchi can post millions for Rezko's bail, seems he could pop for a few meals for the needy in Springfield.

xp Bill Baar's West Side

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Be Careful What You Wish For

"If a man could have half his wishes, he would double his troubles" Ben Franklin once said. No one understands this better than House Speaker Mike Madigan, who has developed the genie-like knack of giving folks what they wished for in a way they never dreamed of.

In the waning days of the budget debate, Governor Blagojevich said it was his wish to pass a budget without giving Republicans a seat at the table. Blagojevich was assuming that would give him and Emil Jones the upper hand.

Blagojevich was wrong.

It appears to me that Madigan has given Blagojevich exactly what he asked for. A Democratic budget -- the only Democratic budget possible at this point -- has passed the Illinois House. And while it's on hold thanks to a motion to reconsider filed by downstate Democrats, pending an agreement on electric rates -- the measure has already received the required simple majority needed to pass the Illinois House prior to May 31st, and could become law if Emil Jones uses his super-majority to make it happen (note, Emil Jones might be thinking right now that a super-majority wasn't such a smart thing to wish for).

Granted, a supplemental budget will be needed to tweak the hastily crafted budget around the edges, but that supplemental can be given a post-Jan. 1 effective date so that it only needs a simple majority in both chambers. (SEE Update Below)

So, Rod Blagojevich can have his wish for a Democrats-only budget, if he's willing to lean on Emil Jones to get an electric rate deal done (note, ComEd might be thinking right now that the reverse auction wasn't such a clever thing to wish for, and state help buying Illinois Power before that), and if Rod's willing to capitulate to Madigan on every budget issue.

If anyone in the Blagojevich camp has any sense, they'll take that deal and run. History has shown that the longer and harder you try to squeeze Madigan, the more he makes you pay for it. It only takes one wish.

UPDATE - X1

Rich Miller makes an important point regarding the supplemental in the comments. It would have to be post-dated for June 1st. Still possible to pass a Democrats-only supplemental, but a bit trickier.

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Lying Gambling Sponsors

The Sun-Times reports Saturday that Senate President Emil Jones snuck a section in the bill to expand gambling to four new Illinois cities, including Chicago, as I read the article.

Dave McKinney reports,

"it would divert 2 percent of revenues from the four casinos to Chicago State University, potentially handing the school a $40 million windfall that would double its take from the state…

"In committee, Jones initially said Chicago State wasn't in the legislation."

When Senate Republicans pointed him to the specific section, Emil backed down

Boy, does that remind me of the original riverboat gambling bill.

There was Rockford’s State Rep. Zeke Giorgi presenting the bill.

It was night and I had finished my work for Central Management Services and was playing GOP House staffer.

The casino bill arrived. It was a long bill, just like today's 218-page one.

I started reading it.

Before I could finish, the debate began.

State Rep. Margie Parcells took the floor to oppose the bill.

She asked Zeke about the promised $500 betting limit per cruise that was supposed to be in the bill.

As Zeke always did when he wanted to confuse people, he mumbled something about it’s being in the bill.

“Ask him what page,” I suggested to Margie.

She did, as I kept searching for the language.

Neither Zeke nor his staff could come up with a page or a section, but Zeke continued to insist that the $500 limit on losses each time a person went on a riverboat cruise was in the bill.

It wasn’t.

Zeke lied.

Just as Emil Jones lied about Chicago State University’s big payday should this year’s huge expansion of gambling be enacted.

No House Republican voted for the original gambling bill.

Now the GOP has been co-opted, dare I suggest, by campaign contributions from gambling interests.

There is more than one lesson in the how gambling has taken center stage in Illinois politics.

Lie and buy come to mind for starters.

And, of course, there is more at McHenry County Blog this weekend. You can even find out two who are running against Melissa Bean in the primary and the general election.

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